"Jonathan and the big fight" - by: SalisuSuleiman

"Jonathan and the big fight" - by: Salisu Suleiman........

That many Nigerians are delighted with the seeming implosion of the self-acclaimed Africa's largest political group, Peoples Democratic Party (PD) is not a secret. What many suspect, but refrain from voicing out is the fear that when push comes to shove, PDP and its various factions may come together rather than lose control power and all the privileges that come with it.

PDP has a history of internal wrangling,
but has always managed to patch over
those differences before every election to
cling to power at all costs. The party's
numerous fights have never been about
principles, policy direction or even about
governance. The night meetings, long
knives, legal battles and theater all come
down to who presides over the depletion
of Nigeria's resources.
Traditionally, the fight to partake in the
sharing formula is what has driven PDP's
constant internal wrangling; the same
fact that in the end brings back
aggrieved members – even in shackles.
Not many in the PDP fold can rise
beyond the hunger for power and
influence, no matter how peripheral.
However, PDP's current fight is anything
but traditional, and the actors are after
more than just tangential power and
influence. What makes this implosion
more intricate is that for the combatants,
especially the self-styled PDP, it is fight
for political survival and therefore a fight
to the finish. No matter the pretexts, it is
evident that President Goodluck
Jonathan not only wants a second term,
but is working assiduously, if behind the
scenes, to actualize it. Members of New
PDP, understanding the dynamics of
power from experience, are clearly
determined to take control of, or at
worst, destroy the base. The stage is
clearly set for a big fight.
While the back-stabbings, betrayals and
sheer deceptive powers of the main
actors may amuse Nigerians for a while,
the fact remains that Jonathan's already
poor governance record deteriorate even
more, further worsening the security and
economic challenges government has
been unable to tackle over the last four
years. What is disheartening is that this
is a fight that Jonathan didn't have to
fight, and a distraction that he can do
without. But because he chose to
abandon all the election promises he
made, the president not only has to face
his political adversaries, but has little
sympathy from most Nigerians.
All Jonathan needed to do to silence his
political opponents was to address some
of the most fundamental issues affecting
Nigeria today: corruption, poverty,
insecurity, unemployment and
infrastructural decay. If Jonathan had
managed to free himself from the narrow
clique deceiving him with heavily
padded data about so-called economic
growth that not translated into jobs and
improved living conditions for Nigerians,
he would know all except the most
selfish beneficiaries of his kabu-kabu
economics are happy that the party that
elevated him to power is breaking up,
and that he may end up without a
credible platform on which to re-contest
the presidential elections.
Unfortunately, like all presidents before
him, Jonathan has surrounded himself
with cronies and hangers-on who would
tell him anything except that truth:
Nigerians have become poorer and less
secure since he became president;
corruption is unparalleled, even by
Nigeria's very low standards, the fine
figures about economic growth being
bandied about means nothing to
majority of Nigerians; Boko Haram still
kills and maims at will; 20 million
Nigerian youth still have no work and no
prospects; education and health are
complete shambles, our road networks
are pockmarked with potholes and
craters; religious and regional divisions
are tearing Nigerians apart.
Jonathan's big fight is not only with
members of New PDP. Undoubtedly, with
the likes of former Vice President Atiku
Abubakar and governors Sule Lamido,
Babangida Aliyu, Murtala Nyako, Rabiu
Kwankwaso, Rotimi Amaechi, Aliyu
Wammakko and others comprise
formidable opponents.
But what leverage does Jonathan have
over them, and what would be their
motivation for supporting him? If
anything, a Jonathan triumph would very
likely translate into jail terms for them,
as James Ibori would confirm.
Incidentally, most of the major
contenders see themselves as qualified
for, and therefore, potential candidates
for the presidency.
Interestingly, there may be no
guarantees for Jonathan even from the
South – South and South – East. Of the
northern governors that are currently on
his side (reports indicate that more may
jump ship) governors like Isa Yuguda,
Ibrahim Shema, Jonah Jang, Gabriel
Suswan, Mukhtar Yero – may not have
enough influence to deliver their home
states nor control their state delegates
at crucial moments – like the presidential
primaries – which is actually the root of
the current crises.
Still, in the unlikely event that PDP
manages to mend its seriously
compromised foundations and presents
Goodluck Jonathan as its presidential
candidate, how many Nigerians will
genuinely re-elect a president that has
presided over unmatched looting of the
treasury while hunger, insecurity,
poverty and unemployment have
worsened? Persuading Nigerians to re-
elect him, and not PDP – whether new or
old – will be Jonathan's biggest fight.